‘How Was It That I Felt As If I Had Come Home?’: Indian students at UCL
From Rabindranath Tagore to Madan Lal Dhingra, UCL's Bloomsbury campus shaped some of India's most notable figures whilst they were students.

Tavistock Square sits at the heart of Bloomsbury, enclosed by tall London brick terraces. In the middle of its central gardens, a bronze figure looks down from a stone plinth. It’s the nonviolent anti-colonialist Mahatma Gandhi. The ‘father of modern India’ was perhaps the most celebrated Indian student ever to attend the nearby University College London. When founded in 1826, UCL became the first English university to admit students who weren’t members of the Anglican Church, opening it up to men (and soon women) regardless of race or creed. Today, that legacy is visible as you walk through Bloomsbury, its pavements thronged with students from all over the world. As of 2026, UCL is home to almost 1,000 Indian students, part of a rich legacy of Indian culture and scholarship at the University.
From the 1840s onwards, hundreds of Indian students made the long journey to UCL and to London, drawn by the promise of a world-class education. By 1913, there were 1,750 Indian students at UCL alone. These students arrived from across India, from Calcutta to Bombay and Lahore. They navigated a city that was both welcoming and indifferent, radical and prejudiced. You’ll meet four of them below.
Stepping Off the Train
The first Indian students enrolled at UCL in 1845. Within a decade numbers began to grow steadily, driven by a practical need. Those hoping to enter the Indian Civil or Medical Services, or be called to the Bar, must sit exams in London. By 1897, roughly ten per cent of UCL’s students came from overseas. By 1913, that figure had risen to twenty, with Indian students forming the single largest group.
An early Indian student was Rakhal Das Haldarm, who studied law at UCL in 1861-1862. He lived in University Hall, and left a detailed account of his student experience. His diary was published posthumously as The English Diary of an Indian Student. It records a young man finding his feet in a foreign city with more confidence than most. Arriving at Newhaven by ship on the 21st of May 1861, he wrote:
‘At 5pm set foot on British ground, having arrived at New Haven, near which William the Conqueror had landed. A ramble in the fields, and I felt the same sort of joy as I could have felt on reaching back the shores of Bengal. How was it that I felt as if I had come home? Started by rail at 7-25 PM and reached London at 9-40 PM! The sceneries on the way were not so very pretty perhaps as what I saw in the valley of the Rhone, but yet there was something indescribably fascinating in the British scenery’.
He soon threw himself into London and its surroundings. Visits to the London Zoo, the British Museum, and what is now the V&A coloured his days. So did long walks through Kensington Gardens, Hyde Park, Green Park, and along the Mall. He took trips to Lancashire, Bristol, Oxford, and Dublin. He was, by his own account, thoroughly at home.
Loneliness and Alienation
Not everyone so easily felt like they belonged, though. Indian students often struggled with loneliness and alienation. Professor Dadabhai Naoroji, a founding member of the Indian National Congress and a former UCL academic, turned his home into a gathering place for hundreds of Indian students. In turn, they looked to him as a father figure. Gandhi, whose UCL English classes in 1888-1889 prepared him for the Bar, described Naoroji as his “real Dada”. The Northbrook Society, established in Bloomsbury in 1880, was an early formal meeting place for Indians in London outside of private homes. In the early 20th century, a hostel in Highgate called India House offered rooms for twenty-five students, along with a library, reading room, and lecture hall.

Still, beneath the surface there was often persistent loneliness. A 1907 government inquiry identified 400 Indian students, noting that “colour prejudice” made socialising with white British peers increasingly difficult. Mankji Nasarvaneja, the son of a wealthy Bombay merchant, took his own life in early 1876. This wasn’t an isolated incident. Haldar’s easy confidence was not universal. For many, London offered equal parts isolation and opportunity.
‘A Hindu Lady’, a doctor
Rukhmabai Raut arrived in 1890 to study at the London School of Medicine for Women (now part of UCL Medical School). By then, she was already notorious across two continents. At twenty-two, she had refused to move in with the man she had been married to when she was eleven. He had been nineteen. The court battle that followed had convulsed public opinion in India and Britain alike.
Rukhmabai had not been silent during those years of legal uncertainty. Writing a series of letters to The Times of India under the pseudonym “A Hindu Lady,” she had used her platform to argue against the systemic injustices. Women and girls were confined under colonial law: ‘The brutal custom of child-marriage had deprived all happiness of my life. It is a stumbling block in the two things which I regarded to be the most important — my education, and nurturing of my mind as per my expectations’.

The legal battles were lengthy and punishing. In 1885, Justice Robert Pinhey ruled that no court could force a woman to consummate a marriage against her will. An appeal the following year went against her, with the Bombay High Court ruling in favour of her husband Dadaji. Threatened with imprisonment, she told the court that she would rather go to jail than live with her husband. She appealed to the Privy Council and to Queen Victoria herself. Finally, in 1888, the marriage was dissolved and Dadaji received financial compensation. Rukhmabai’s refusal to yield had helped shift the terms of public debate. Her campaign contributed to raising the age of consent for Indian girls from ten to twelve in 1891.
No Beef, Marriage or Conversion
Freed from the marriage, the British doctor Edith Pechey helped Rukhmabai convince her grandfather to let her go to London. He eventually gave his blessing, but only on three conditions. She could, under no circumstances, eat beef, marry an Englishman, or convert to Christianity. Sponsored by British suffrage campaigners, Rukhmabai arrived. She spent three years at College Hall, a progressive hall of residence for female students.
UCL did not yet offer women a full medical qualification, so Rukhmabai completed her training in Edinburgh. She returned to India as one of the first practising Indian women doctors. Eventually, she served as Chief Medical Officer for hospitals in Surat and Rajkot. She was later awarded the Kaiser-i-Hind medal for her public health work.
Rabindranath Tagore: Lost in Translation
When Rabindranath Tagore arrived at UCL in 1879 to study Law and English, he was following a well-worn family path. The poet’s older brother, Satyendranath, was the first Indian to pass the Indian Civil Service examinations, in the early 1860s.
Rabindranath seems to have found it harder going than his sibling.

Reflecting on the time he lived in lodgings near Regent’s Park, he wrote in his memoirs: ‘For the newly arrived strangers there can hardly be a more cruel place than London in winter. I knew no one near by, nor could I find my way about’. When other Indians visited him, he felt so starved of company that he was tempted, as he put it, to hold them back ‘by their coat-tails’ as they got up to leave. His accounts of UCL itself are sparse.
What he does record, with some relish, is when he could not stop laughing in the library while studying with his friend Loken Palit, reflecting that ‘In all countries girls have a perverse degree of application to their studies, and I feel repentant as I recall the multitude of reproachful blue eyes which vainly showered disapprobation on our unrestrained merriment. But in those days I felt not the slightest sympathy with the distress of disturbed studiousness’.
He left London without a degree, but with a sense of the English literary world and its habits that would prove invaluable when he returned, decades later, with a manuscript of translated poems tucked under his arm.
Tagore’s Return
In 1912, Tagore came back to England with the intention of introducing the West to his educational ideas. During an illness that had delayed his departure, he had translated a selection of his Bengali songs and lyrics into what he called ‘biblical English prose’, driven simply, he said, by a desire to recapture earlier feelings of joy through a new medium. He continued translating on the ship crossing. The resulting notebook was briefly, dramatically lost on the tube before turning up at the lost property office.
He showed the translations to the English artist William Rothenstein, who was immediately struck by them. Rothenstein sent the manuscript on to several people, including W.B. Yeats, who became one of its most fervent champions. The poems were published in a limited edition of 750 copies under the title Gitanjali by the India Society of London, and reprinted by Macmillan in 1913. The Nobel Prize followed that same year, marking the first time the award had gone to a non-European.
‘I Shall Get No Peace Now‘
Tagore received the news by telegram at Santiniketan in November 1913, in the company of his biographer Edward Thompson. According to Thompson, his first response was: ‘I shall get no peace now, Mr Thompson’. He was right. The prize transformed him into an international literary figure, though he was characteristically ambivalent about the English translations that had won him the recognition.
Writing to Rothenstein in 1932, he reflected that he whose ‘undoubted claim has been recognized by my countrymen to a sovereignty in our own world of letters should not have waited till it was discovered by the outside world in its own true majesty and environment’. It was a graceful, and slightly melancholy, observation from a man who had become world-famous in a language that was not his own. Today, critics generally agree that Tagore’s English translations have not stood the test of time, very much unlike his work in Bengali.
The bronze bust in Gordon Square was unveiled in 2011 by the Prince of Wales, marking the 150th anniversary of Tagore’s birth. He looks out toward the university buildings where, more than a century earlier, his unrestrained laughter had disturbed the diligent students around him.
Madan Lal Dhingra
Some Indian students navigated more than the tensions of academic life and personal homesickness. By the early twentieth century, the British government had grown concerned that London was becoming a centre of radicalisation for Indian nationalists. This was contestable, but the case of Madan Lal Dhingra suggested its fears were not unfounded.
Madan Lal Dhingra was an engineering student at UCL and a former resident of India House, which by the first decade of the century had developed a reputation as a hub for radical Indian nationalism. In July 1909, Dhingra assassinated Sir William Hutt Curzon Wyllie, an official at the India Office, on the steps of the Imperial Institute in Kensington. He had prepared for the attack methodically, practising his marksmanship at a shooting range on Tottenham Court Road. In the chaos of the attack, a Parsi doctor was also killed.

Dhingra chose to represent himself in court and made no attempt to seek leniency. Being sentenced to death at the end of his trial, he responded: ‘Thank you, my Lord. I don’t care. I am proud to have the honour of laying down my life for the cause of my motherland’. He was hanged in August 1909.
‘Died 1909’
UCL’s response was notably muted. The college made no public statement, and references to the murder in its minutes were deliberately vague. Dhingra’s student file recorded only ‘died 1909’. The press, however, was less restrained. The image of the lonely, politically radicalised Indian student, isolated in his Bloomsbury lodgings and susceptible to extreme ideology, became a stock figure in late Edwardian popular culture. It was a caricature that bore little relation to the actual diversity of the thousands of students who had made the journey to London since 1845.
Unsurprisingly, Bloomsbury has no tribute to Dhingra, but it does feature Tagore’s statue on Gordon Square and Gandhi’s statue in nearby Tavistock Square. They honour the legacy not only of these two men, but of the thousands of Indian male and female students that have passed through the University and through Bloomsbury’s houses, streets, and squares.
Visit Gordon Square with Cobble
Download the Cobble app to hear the full stories of Tagore, Rukhmabai, and Dhingra as you walk through their ‘home away from home’ in Bloomsbury. Learn more about the history of London’s first university with our ‘UCL and its Neighbours‘ Collection, which features many CobbleGo stops about UCL’s foundation and the years since. If you want to know more about Bloomsbury’s remarkable history of radical politics, intellectual ambition, and artistic achievement, check out our ‘Bloomsbury: Love, Lies & Literature‘ Walk, which brings the neighbourhood’s history to life through immersive audio, featuring figures like Dickens, Orwell, Yeats, Dorothy Richardson and the Bloomsbury Group.
On the Cobbles
Cobble Scene Location: Gordon Square Gardens, Bloomsbury, London WC1H 0PD OR Tavistock Square Gardens, Bloomsbury, London WC1H 9QB
Nearest Tube Stations: Russell Square (Piccadilly line); Euston Square (Circle, Hammersmith & City, Metropolitan lines)
Viewing: Gardens publicly accessible during opening hours
Nearby Bloomsbury Attractions: British Museum, Tavistock Square (Gandhi statue), Senate House, Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, Wellcome Collection
Download the Cobble app to explore the world that Tagore, Rukhmabai, and Dhingra navigated, one Bloomsbury street at a time.




